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President in History?
of America's leading historians assesses George W. Bush
George W. Bush's presidency appears headed for colossal historical disgrace. Barring a cataclysmic
event on the order of the terrorist attacks of September 11th, after which the public might rally around the White House once
again, there seems to be little the administration can do to avoid being ranked on the lowest tier of U.S. presidents. And that may be the best-case scenario. Many historians are now wondering whether
Bush, in fact, will be remembered as the very worst president in all of American history.
time to time, after hours, I kick back with my colleagues at Princeton to argue idly about which president really was the worst of them all. For years, these perennial debates have
largely focused on the same handful of chief executives whom national polls of historians, from across the ideological and
political spectrum, routinely cite as the bottom of the presidential barrel. Was the lousiest James Buchanan, who, confronted
with Southern secession in 1860, dithered to a degree that, as his most recent biographer has said, probably amounted to disloyalty
-- and who handed to his successor, Abraham Lincoln, a nation already torn asunder? Was it Lincoln's successor, Andrew Johnson, who actively sided with former Confederates
and undermined Reconstruction? What about the amiably incompetent Warren G. Harding, whose administration was fabulously corrupt?
Or, though he has his defenders, Herbert Hoover, who tried some reforms but remained imprisoned in his own outmoded individualist
ethic and collapsed under the weight of the stock-market crash of 1929 and the Depression's onset? The younger historians
always put in a word for Richard M. Nixon, the only American president forced to resign from office.
though, George W. Bush is in serious contention for the title of worst ever. In early 2004, an informal survey of 415 historians conducted by the nonpartisan History News Network found
that eighty-one percent considered the Bush administration a "failure." Among those who called
Bush a success, many gave the president high marks only for his ability to mobilize public support and get Congress to go
along with what one historian called the administration's "pursuit of disastrous policies." In fact, roughly one in ten of those who called Bush a success was being facetious, rating him only as the best president
since Bill Clinton -- a category in which Bush is the only contestant.
lopsided decision of historians should give everyone pause. Contrary to popular stereotypes, historians are generally a cautious
bunch. We assess the past from widely divergent points of view and are deeply concerned about being viewed as fair and accurate
by our colleagues. When we make historical judgments, we are acting not as voters or even pundits, but as scholars who must
evaluate all the evidence, good, bad or indifferent. Separate surveys, conducted by those perceived as conservatives as well
as liberals, show remarkable unanimity about who the best and worst presidents have been.
do tend, as a group, to be far more liberal than the citizenry as a whole -- a fact the president's admirers have seized on
to dismiss the poll results as transparently biased. One pro-Bush historian said the survey revealed more about "the current
crop of history professors" than about Bush or about Bush's eventual standing. But if historians were simply motivated by
a strong collective liberal bias, they might be expected to call Bush the worst president since his father, or Ronald Reagan,
or Nixon. Instead, more than half of those polled -- and nearly three-fourths of those
who gave Bush a negative rating -- reached back before Nixon to find
a president they considered as miserable as Bush. The presidents most commonly linked with Bush included Hoover, Andrew
Johnson and Buchanan. Twelve percent
of the historians polled -- nearly as many as those who rated Bush a success -- flatly called Bush the worst president in
American history. And these figures were gathered before the debacles over Hurricane
Katrina, Bush's role in the Valerie Plame leak affair and the deterioration of the situation in Iraq. Were the
historians polled today, that figure would certainly be higher.
worse for the president, the general public, having once given Bush the highest approval ratings ever recorded, now appears
to be coming around to the dismal view held by most historians. To be sure, the president retains a considerable base of supporters
who believe in and adore him, and who reject all criticism with a mixture of disbelief and fierce contempt -- about one-third
of the electorate. (When the columnist Richard Reeves publicized the historians' poll last year and suggested it might have
merit, he drew thousands of abusive replies that called him an idiot and that praised Bush as, in one writer's words, "a Christian
who actually acts on his deeply held beliefs.") Yet the ranks of the true believers have thinned dramatically. A majority
of voters in forty-three states now disapprove of Bush's handling of his job. Since the commencement of reliable polling in
the 1940s, only one twice-elected president has seen his ratings fall as low as Bush's in his second term: Richard Nixon,
during the months preceding his resignation in 1974. No two-term president since polling began has fallen from such a height
of popularity as Bush's (in the neighborhood of ninety percent, during the patriotic up-swell following the 2001 attacks)
to such a low (now in the mid-thirties). No president, including Harry Truman (whose ratings sometimes dipped below Nixonian
levels), has experienced such a virtually unrelieved decline as Bush has since his high point. Apart from sharp but temporary up-ticks that followed the commencement of
the Iraq war and the capture of Saddam Hussein, and a recovery
during the weeks just before and after his re-election, the Bush trend has been a profile in fairly steady disillusionment.
does any president's reputation sink so low? The reasons are best understood as the reverse of those that produce presidential
greatness. In almost every survey of historians dating back to the 1940s, three presidents have emerged as supreme successes:
George Washington, Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt. These were the men who guided the nation through what historians
consider its greatest crises: the founding era after the ratification of the Constitution, the Civil War, and the Great Depression
and Second World War. Presented with arduous, at times seemingly impossible circumstances, they rallied the nation, governed
brilliantly and left the republic more secure than when they entered office.
presidents, faced with enormous difficulties -- Buchanan, Andrew Johnson, Hoover and now Bush -- have divided the nation, governed erratically and left the nation worse
off. In each case, different factors contributed to the failure: disastrous domestic policies, foreign-policy blunders and
military setbacks, executive misconduct, crises of credibility and public trust. Bush, however, is one of the rarities in
presidential history: He has not only stumbled badly in every one of these key areas, he has also displayed a weakness common
among the greatest presidential failures -- an unswerving adherence to a simplistic ideology that abjures deviation from dogma
as heresy, thus preventing any pragmatic adjustment to changing realities. Repeatedly, Bush has undone himself, a failing
revealed in each major area of presidential performance.
* * *
THE CREDIBILITY GAP
previous president appears to have squandered the public's trust more than Bush has. In the 1840s, President James Polk gained
a reputation for deviousness over his alleged manufacturing of the war with Mexico and his supposedly covert pro-slavery views. Abraham Lincoln, then an
Illinois congressman, virtually labeled Polk a liar when he
called him, from the floor of the House, "a bewildered, confounded and miserably perplexed man" and denounced the war as "from
beginning to end, the sheerest deception." But the swift American victory in the war, Polk's decision to stick by his pledge
to serve only one term and his sudden death shortly after leaving office spared him the ignominy over slavery that befell
his successors in the 1850s. With more than two years to go in Bush's second term and no swift victory in sight, Bush's reputation
will probably have no such reprieve.
problems besetting Bush are of a more modern kind than Polk's, suited to the television age -- a crisis both in confidence
and credibility. In 1965, Lyndon Johnson's Vietnam travails gave birth to the phrase "credibility gap," meaning the distance between a president's
professions and the public's perceptions of reality. It took more than two years for Johnson's disapproval rating in the Gallup
Poll to reach fifty-two percent in March 1968 -- a figure Bush long ago surpassed, but that was sufficient to persuade the
proud LBJ not to seek re-election. Yet recently, just short of three years after Bush buoyantly declared "mission accomplished"
in Iraq, his disapproval ratings have been running considerably higher than Johnson's, at about sixty percent. More than half
the country now considers Bush dishonest and untrustworthy, and a decisive plurality consider him less trustworthy than his
predecessor, Bill Clinton -- a figure still attacked by conservative zealots as "Slick Willie."
modern presidents, including Truman, Reagan and Clinton, managed to reverse plummeting ratings and regain the public's trust
by shifting attention away from political and policy setbacks, and by overhauling the White House's inner circles. But Bush's
publicly expressed view that he has made no major mistakes, coupled with what even the conservative commentator William F.
Buckley Jr. calls his "high-flown pronouncements" about failed policies, seems to foreclose the first option. Upping the ante
in the Middle East and bombing Iranian nuclear sites, a strategy reportedly favored by some in the White House, could distract
the public and gain Bush immediate political capital in advance of the 2006 midterm elections -- but in the long term might
severely worsen the already dire situation in Iraq, especially among Shiite Muslims linked to the Iranians. And given Bush's
ardent attachment to loyal aides, no matter how discredited, a major personnel shake-up is improbable, short of indictments.
Replacing Andrew Card with Joshua Bolten as chief of staff -- a move announced by the president in March in a tone that sounded
more like defiance than contrition -- represents a rededication to current policies and personnel, not a serious change. (Card,
an old Bush family retainer, was widely considered more moderate than most of the men around the president and had little
involvement in policy-making.) The power of Vice President Dick Cheney, meanwhile, remains uncurbed. Were Cheney to announce
he is stepping down due to health problems, normally a polite pretext for a political removal, one can be reasonably certain
it would be because Cheney actually did have grave health problems.
* * *
BUSH AT WAR
the twentieth century, American presidents managed foreign wars well -- including those presidents who prosecuted unpopular
wars. James Madison had no support from Federalist New England at the outset of the War of 1812, and the discontent grew amid
mounting military setbacks in 1813. But Federalist political overreaching, combined with a reversal of America's military fortunes and the negotiation of a peace
with Britain, made Madison something of a hero again and ushered in a brief so-called Era of Good Feelings in which
his Jeffersonian Republican Party coalition ruled virtually unopposed. The Mexican War under Polk was even more unpopular,
but its quick and victorious conclusion redounded to Polk's favor -- much as the rapid American victory in the Spanish-American
War helped William McKinley overcome anti-imperialist dissent.
twentieth century was crueler to wartime presidents. After winning re-election in 1916 with the slogan "He Kept Us Out of
War," Woodrow Wilson oversaw American entry into the First World War. Yet while the doughboys returned home triumphant, Wilson's idealistic and politically disastrous campaign for American entry
into the League of Nations presaged a resurgence of the opposition Republican
Party along with a redoubling of American isolationism that lasted until Pearl Harbor.
has more in common with post-1945 Democratic presidents Truman and Johnson, who both became bogged down in overseas military
conflicts with no end, let alone victory, in sight. But Bush has become bogged down in a singularly crippling way. On September 10th,
2001, he held among the lowest
ratings of any modern president for that point in a first term. (Only Gerald Ford, his popularity reeling after his pardon
of Nixon, had comparable numbers.) The attacks the following day transformed Bush's presidency, giving him an extraordinary
opportunity to achieve greatness. Some of the early signs were encouraging. Bush's simple, unflinching eloquence and his quick
toppling of the Taliban government in Afghanistan rallied the nation. Yet even then, Bush wasted his chance by quickly choosing partisanship
other president -- Lincoln in the Civil War, FDR in World War II, John F. Kennedy at critical moments of the Cold War -- faced
with such a monumental set of military and political circumstances failed to embrace the opposing political party to help
wage a truly national struggle. But Bush shut out and even demonized the Democrats. Top military advisers and even members
of the president's own Cabinet who expressed any reservations or criticisms of his policies -- including retired Marine Corps
Gen. Anthony Zinni and former Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill -- suffered either dismissal, smear attacks from the president's
supporters or investigations into their alleged breaches of national security. The wise men who counseled Bush's father, including
James Baker and Brent Scowcroft, found their entreaties brusquely ignored by his son. When asked if he ever sought advice
from the elder Bush, the president responded, "There is a higher Father that I appeal to."
the while, Bush and the most powerful figures in the administration, Vice President Dick Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld, were planting the seeds for the crises to come by diverting the struggle against Al Qaeda toward an all-out effort
to topple their pre-existing target, Saddam Hussein. In a deliberate political decision, the administration stampeded the
Congress and a traumatized citizenry into the Iraq invasion on the basis of what has now been demonstrated to be tendentious and perhaps fabricated
evidence of an imminent Iraqi threat to American security, one that the White House suggested included nuclear weapons. Instead
of emphasizing any political, diplomatic or humanitarian aspects of a war on Iraq -- an appeal that would have sounded too
"sensitive," as Cheney once sneered -- the administration built a "Bush Doctrine" of unprovoked, preventive warfare, based
on speculative threats and embracing principles previously abjured by every previous generation of U.S. foreign policy-makers,
even at the height of the Cold War. The president did so with premises founded, in the case of Iraq, on wishful thinking. He did so while proclaiming an expansive Wilsonian
rhetoric of making the world safe for democracy -- yet discarding the multilateralism and systems of international law (including
the Geneva Conventions) that emanated from Wilson's
idealism. He did so while dismissing intelligence that an American invasion could spark a long and bloody civil war among
Iraq's fierce religious and ethnic rivals, reports that
have since proved true. And he did so after repeated warnings by military officials such as Gen. Eric Shinseki that pacifying
postwar Iraq would require hundreds of thousands of American troops
-- accurate estimates that Paul Wolfowitz and other Bush policy gurus ridiculed as "wildly off the mark."
William F. Buckley, the man whom many credit as the founder of the modern conservative movement, writes categorically, as
he did in February, that "one can't doubt that the American objective in Iraq has failed," then something terrible has happened. Even as a brash young iconoclast,
Buckley always took the long view. The Bush White House seems incapable of doing so, except insofar as a tiny trusted circle
around the president constantly reassures him that he is a messianic liberator and profound freedom fighter, on a par with
FDR and Lincoln, and that history will vindicate his every act and utterance.
* * *
BUSH AT HOME
came to office in 2001 pledging to govern as a "compassionate conservative," more moderate on domestic policy than the dominant
right wing of his party. The pledge proved hollow, as Bush tacked immediately to the hard right. Previous presidents and their
parties have suffered when their actions have belied their campaign promises. Lyndon Johnson is the most conspicuous recent
example, having declared in his 1964 run against the hawkish Republican Barry Goldwater that "we are not about to send American
boys nine or ten thousand miles away from home to do what Asian boys ought to be doing for themselves." But no president has
surpassed Bush in departing so thoroughly from his original campaign persona.
heart of Bush's domestic policy has turned out to be nothing more than a series of massively regressive tax cuts -- a return,
with a vengeance, to the discredited Reagan-era supply-side faith that Bush's father once ridiculed as "voodoo economics."
Bush crowed in triumph in February 2004, "We cut taxes, which basically meant people had more money in their pocket." The
claim is bogus for the majority of Americans, as are claims that tax cuts have led to impressive new private investment and
job growth. While wiping out the solid Clinton-era federal surplus and raising federal deficits to staggering record levels,
Bush's tax policies have necessitated hikes in federal fees, state and local taxes, and co-payment charges to needy veterans
and families who rely on Medicaid, along with cuts in loan programs to small businesses and college students, and in a wide
range of state services. The lion's share of benefits from the tax cuts has gone to the very richest Americans, while new
business investment has increased at a historically sluggish rate since the peak of the last business cycle five years ago.
Private-sector job growth since 2001 has been anemic compared to the Bush administration's original forecasts and is chiefly
attributable not to the tax cuts but to increased federal spending, especially on defense. Real wages for middle-income Americans
have been dropping since the end of 2003: Last year, on average, nominal wages grew by only 2.4 percent, a meager gain that
was completely erased by an average inflation rate of 3.4 percent.
monster deficits, caused by increased federal spending combined with the reduction of revenue resulting from the tax cuts,
have also placed Bush's administration in a historic class of its own with respect to government borrowing. According to the
Treasury Department, the forty-two presidents who held office between 1789 and 2000 borrowed a combined total of $1.01 trillion
from foreign governments and financial institutions. But between 2001 and 2005 alone, the Bush White House borrowed $1.05
trillion, more than all of the previous presidencies combined. Having
inherited the largest federal surplus in American history in 2001, he has turned it into the largest deficit ever -- with
an even higher deficit, $423 billion, forecast for fiscal year 2006. Yet Bush -- sounding much like Herbert Hoover in 1930
predicting that "prosperity is just around the corner" -- insists that he will cut federal deficits in half by 2009, and that
the best way to guarantee this would be to make permanent his tax cuts, which helped cause the deficit in the first place!
rest of what remains of Bush's skimpy domestic agenda is either failed or failing -- a record unmatched since the presidency
of Herbert Hoover. The No Child Left Behind educational-reform act has proved so unwieldy, draconian and poorly funded that
several states -- including Utah, one of Bush's last remaining political strongholds -- have fought to opt out of it entirely.
White House proposals for immigration reform and a guest-worker program have succeeded mainly in dividing pro-business Republicans
(who want more low-wage immigrant workers) from paleo-conservatives fearful that hordes of Spanish-speaking newcomers will
destroy American culture. The paleos' call for tougher anti-immigrant laws -- a return to the punitive spirit of exclusion
that led to the notorious Immigration Act of 1924 that shut the door to immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe -- has
in turn deeply alienated Hispanic voters from the Republican Party, badly undermining the GOP's hopes of using them to build
a permanent national electoral majority. The recent pro-immigrant demonstrations, which drew millions of marchers nationwide,
indicate how costly the Republican divide may prove.
one noncorporate constituency to which Bush has consistently deferred is the Christian right, both in his selections for the
federal bench and in his implications that he bases his policies on premillennialist, prophetic Christian doctrine. Previous
presidents have regularly invoked the Almighty. McKinley is supposed to have fallen to his knees, seeking divine guidance
about whether to take control of the Philippines in 1898, although the story may be apocryphal. But no president before Bush has allowed
the press to disclose, through a close friend, his startling belief that he was ordained by God to lead the country. The White
House's sectarian positions -- over stem-cell research, the teaching of pseudoscientific "intelligent design," global population
control, the Terri Schiavo spectacle and more -- have led some to conclude that Bush has promoted the transformation of the
GOP into what former Republican strategist Kevin Phillips calls "the first religious party in U.S. history."
faith-based conception of his mission, which stands above and beyond reasoned inquiry, jibes well with his administration's
pro-business dogma on global warming and other urgent environmental issues. While forcing federally funded agencies to remove
from their Web sites scientific information about reproductive health and the effectiveness of condoms in combating HIV/AIDS,
and while peremptorily overruling staff scientists at the Food and Drug Administration on making emergency contraception available
over the counter, Bush officials have censored and suppressed research findings they don't like by the Environmental Protection
Agency, the Fish and Wildlife Service and the Department of Agriculture. Far from being the conservative he said he was, Bush
has blazed a radical new path as the first American president in history who is outwardly hostile to science -- dedicated,
as a distinguished, bipartisan panel of educators and scientists (including forty-nine Nobel laureates) has declared, to "the
distortion of scientific knowledge for partisan political ends."
Bush White House's indifference to domestic problems and science alike culminated in the catastrophic responses to Hurricane
Katrina. Scientists had long warned that global warming was intensifying hurricanes, but Bush ignored them -- much as he and
his administration sloughed off warnings from the director of the NationalHurricaneCenter before Katrina hit. Reorganized under the Department of Homeland Security,
the once efficient Federal Emergency Management Agency turned out, under Bush, to have become a nest of cronyism and incompetence.
During the months immediately after the storm, Bush traveled to New Orleans eight times to promise massive rebuilding aid from the federal government. On March 30th,
however, Bush's GulfCoast recovery coordinator admitted that it could take as long as twenty-five years for the city
Rove has sometimes likened Bush to the imposing, no-nonsense President Andrew Jackson. Yet Jackson took measures to prevent those he called "the rich and powerful" from
bending "the acts of government to their selfish purposes." Jackson also gained eternal renown by saving New Orleans from British invasion against terrible odds. Generations of Americans sang of Jackson's famous victory. In 1959, Johnny Horton's version of "The Battle of
New Orleans" won the Grammy for best country & western performance. If anyone sings about George W. Bush and New Orleans, it will be a blues number.
* * *
every presidential administration dating back to George Washington's has faced charges of misconduct and threats of impeachment
against the president or his civil officers. The alleged offenses have usually involved matters of personal misbehavior and
corruption, notably the payoff scandals that plagued Cabinet officials who served presidents Harding and Ulysses S. Grant.
But the charges have also included alleged usurpation of power by the president and serious criminal conduct that threatens
constitutional government and the rule of law -- most notoriously, the charges that led to the impeachments of Andrew Johnson
and Bill Clinton, and to Richard Nixon's resignation.
remain divided over the actual grievousness of many of these allegations and crimes. Scholars reasonably describe the graft
and corruption around the Grant administration, for example, as gargantuan, including a kickback scandal that led to the resignation
of Grant's secretary of war under the shadow of impeachment. Yet the scandals produced no indictments of Cabinet secretaries
and only one of a White House aide, who was acquitted. By contrast, the most scandal-ridden administration in the modern era,
apart from Nixon's, was Ronald Reagan's, now widely remembered through a haze of nostalgia as a paragon of virtue. A total
of twenty-nine Reagan officials, including White House national security adviser Robert McFarlane and deputy chief of staff
Michael Deaver, were convicted on charges stemming from the Iran-Contra affair, illegal lobbying and a looting scandal inside
the Department of Housing and Urban Development. Three Cabinet officers -- HUD Secretary Samuel Pierce, Attorney General Edwin
Meese and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger -- left their posts under clouds of scandal. In contrast, not a single official
in the Clinton administration was even indicted over his or her White
House duties, despite repeated high-profile investigations and a successful, highly partisan impeachment drive.
full report, of course, has yet to come on the Bush administration. Because Bush, unlike Reagan or Clinton, enjoys a fiercely
partisan and loyal majority in Congress, his administration has been spared scrutiny. Yet that mighty advantage has not prevented
the indictment of Vice President Dick Cheney's chief of staff, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, on charges stemming from an alleged
major security breach in the Valerie Plame matter. (The last White House official of comparable standing to be indicted while
still in office was Grant's personal secretary, in 1875.) It has not headed off the unprecedented scandal involving Larry
Franklin, a high-ranking Defense Department official, who has pleaded guilty to divulging classified information to a foreign
power while working at the Pentagon -- a crime against national security. It has not forestalled the arrest and indictment
of Bush's top federal procurement official, David Safavian, and the continuing investigations into Safavian's intrigues with
the disgraced Republican lobbyist Jack Abramoff, recently sentenced to nearly six years in prison -- investigations in which
some prominent Republicans, including former Christian Coalition executive director Ralph Reed (and current GOP aspirant for
lieutenant governor of Georgia) have already been implicated, and could well produce the largest congressional corruption
scandal in American history. It has not dispelled the cloud of possible indictment that hangs over others of Bush's closest
may ultimately hold Bush in the greatest contempt for expanding the powers of the presidency beyond the limits laid down by
the U.S. Constitution. There has always been a tension over the constitutional roles of the three branches of the federal
government. The Framers intended as much, as part of the system of checks and balances they expected would minimize tyranny.
When Andrew Jackson took drastic measures against the nation's banking system, the Whig Senate censured him for conduct "dangerous
to the liberties of the people." During the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln's emergency decisions to suspend habeas corpus while
Congress was out of session in 1861 and 1862 has led some Americans, to this day, to regard him as a despot. Richard Nixon's
conduct of the war in Southeast
Asia and his covert domestic-surveillance
programs prompted Congress to pass new statutes regulating executive power.
contrast, the Bush administration -- in seeking to restore what Cheney, a Nixon administration veteran, has called "the legitimate
authority of the presidency" -- threatens to overturn the Framers' healthy tension in favor of presidential absolutism. Armed
with legal findings by his attorney general (and personal lawyer) Alberto Gonzales, the Bush White House has declared that
the president's powers as commander in chief in wartime are limitless. No previous wartime president has come close to making
so grandiose a claim. More specifically, this administration has asserted that the president is perfectly free to violate
federal laws on such matters as domestic surveillance and the torture of detainees. When Congress has passed legislation to
limit those assertions, Bush has resorted to issuing constitutionally dubious "signing statements," which declare, by fiat,
how he will interpret and execute the law in question, even when that interpretation flagrantly violates the will of Congress.
Earlier presidents, including Jackson,
raised hackles by offering their own view of the Constitution in order to justify vetoing congressional acts. Bush doesn't
bother with that: He signs the legislation (eliminating any risk that Congress will overturn a veto), and then governs how
he pleases -- using the signing statements as if they were line-item vetoes. In those instances when Bush's violations of
federal law have come to light, as over domestic surveillance, the White House has devised a novel solution: Stonewall any
investigation into the violations and bid a compliant Congress simply to rewrite the laws.
alarmingly aberrant take on the Constitution is ironic. One need go back in the record less than a decade to find prominent
Republicans railing against far more minor presidential legal infractions as precursors to all-out totalitarianism. "I will
have no part in the creation of a constitutional double-standard to benefit the president," Sen. Bill Frist declared of Bill
Clinton's efforts to conceal an illicit sexual liaison. "No man is above the law, and no man is below the law -- that's the
principle that we all hold very dear in this country," Rep. Tom DeLay asserted. "The rule of law protects you and it protects
me from the fire on our roof or the knock on our door," warned Rep. Henry Hyde, one of Clinton's chief accusers. In the face of Bush's more definitive dismissal of
federal law, the silence from these quarters is deafening.
president's defenders stoutly contend that war-time conditions fully justify Bush's actions. And as Lincoln showed during the Civil War, there may be times of military emergency
where the executive believes it imperative to take immediate, highly irregular, even unconstitutional steps. "I felt that
measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful," Lincoln wrote in 1864, "by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution, through the preservation
of the nation." Bush seems to think that, since 9/11, he has been placed, by the grace of God, in the same kind of situation
Lincoln faced. But Lincoln, under pressure of daily combat on American soil against fellow Americans, did not operate
in secret, as Bush has. He did not claim, as Bush has, that his emergency actions were wholly regular and constitutional as
well as necessary; Lincoln sought and received Congressional authorization for
his suspension of habeas corpus in 1863. Nor did Lincoln act under the amorphous cover of a "war on terror" -- a war against a tactic, not a specific nation or political
entity, which could last as long as any president deems the tactic a threat to national security. Lincoln's exceptional measures were intended to survive only as long as the
Confederacy was in rebellion. Bush's could be extended indefinitely, as the president sees fit, permanently endangering rights
and liberties guaranteed by the Constitution to the citizenry.
* * *
as Bush still enjoys support from those who believe he can do no wrong, he now suffers opposition from liberals who believe
he can do no right. Many of these liberals are in the awkward position of having supported Bush in the past, while offering
little coherent as an alternative to Bush's policies now. Yet it is difficult to see how this will benefit Bush's reputation
president came to office calling himself "a uniter, not a divider" and promising to soften the acrimonious tone in Washington. He has had two enormous opportunities to fulfill those pledges: first,
in the noisy aftermath of his controversial election in 2000, and, even more, after the attacks of September 11th, when the
nation pulled behind him as it has supported no other president in living memory. Yet under both sets of historically unprecedented
circumstances, Bush has chosen to act in ways that have left the country less united and more divided, less conciliatory and
more acrimonious -- much like James Buchanan, Andrew Johnson and Herbert Hoover before him. And, like those three predecessors,
Bush has done so in the service of a rigid ideology that permits no deviation and refuses to adjust to changing realities.
Buchanan failed the test of Southern secession, Johnson failed in the face of Reconstruction, and Hoover failed in the face of the Great Depression. Bush has failed to confront
his own failures in both domestic and international affairs, above all in his ill-conceived responses to radical Islamic terrorism.
Having confused steely resolve with what Ralph Waldo Emerson called "a foolish consistency . . . adored by little statesmen,"
Bush has become entangled in tragedies of his own making, compounding those visited upon the country by outside forces.
historian can responsibly predict the future with absolute certainty. There are too many imponderables still to come in the
two and a half years left in Bush's presidency to know exactly how it will look in 2009, let alone in 2059. There have been
presidents -- Harry Truman was one -- who have left office in seeming disgrace, only to rebound in the estimates of later
scholars. But so far the facts are not shaping up propitiously for George W. Bush. He still does his best to deny it. Having
waved away the lessons of history in the making of his decisions, the present-minded Bush doesn't seem to be concerned about
his place in history. "History. We won't know," he told the journalist Bob Woodward in 2003. "We'll all be dead."
president once explained that the judgments of history cannot be defied or dismissed, even by a president. "Fellow citizens,
we cannot escape history," said Abraham Lincoln. "We of this Congress
and this administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare
one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass, will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation."
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